Essay Instructions: You are to write a 2-page paper, read the article below and answer the discussion questions. State the question first and then continue to answer. Do Not Use Outside Sources!
Spencer's chapter focuses on three types of diversity: gender diversity, diversity of educational experience and diversity of programming with one area of practice (labor education).
1.Were you surprised at the categories he chose to ground his discussion of diversity?
2.How useful is this framework for understanding diversity with adult education, as a student and a practitioner of adult education?
Education for Diversity
That adult education should serve the needs of diverse groups for example, seniors, physically and mentally challenged, the unemployed, or should serve diverse causes, aims and organizations for example environmentalism, labor unions, leisure, cultural interests, is not always acknowledged in today's rush to make adult education and training accountable to economic objectives. Therefore, the idea that adult education should support and serve “diversity,” in all these different meanings and, thereby, serve pluralist democracy, is not always accepted. Diversity within the adult population as a source of strength; it enriches educational experience. However, it has also been viewed as a weakness -- used as a reason why particular groups have not succeeded educationally: women are no good at math and science, needed students do not pay attention, and African-American males are only good at sports. Adult education aimed at “Canadianizing” immigrants and First Nations, like second language education, has often been construed as correcting these “deficits.” Although “education for citizenship” has a proud history in Canada, it has not always been sensitive to the white, male, middle-class, Eurocentric nature of the social construction of “Canadian citizenship.” Indeed, the commonly accepted concept of a “Canadian” does not reflect Canada's official multicultural policy.
Diverse Audiences, Diverse Purposes
Although adult education has been responsive to dominate political and economic aims, it has also always served diverse audiences, needs and objectives. In some cases, this “education” is constructed by the learners themselves; for example, women in the Women's Institutes or in the suffragette movement. In other cases, it is coordinated by sympathetic provider; for example, Saint Frances Xavier University Extension work with co-operatives in the Antigonish Movement. Speaking generally, Adult Education has made a number of important contributions to knowledge generation and a whole range of areas, such as cultural studies, women's studies, indigenous studies, labor studies, adult literacy, vocational training and community development. This creativity and diversity can be seen as being at the very foundation of adult education practice. The inter- and cross-disciplinary nature of much of this work reflects the lived experiences of adult students. It is possible to explore all of these topics within this book. Therefore we will briefly reviews some of the issues as they apply to women in adult education, and then debate one example of diverse provision -- labor education.
Women in Adult Education
Women form a majority of adult education students. In many cases, this reflects the previous lack of educational opportunity afforded to women. In others, it may reflect a bias towards “women's” domestic crafts and local authority provision -- classes on cooking and needlecraft. In still other cases, it may reflect the fact that educational achievement is more important for the advancement of women's careers than it is for men’s. But it may also represent, in part, a reference by women for social learning -- a recognition that “feminist pedagogy” include sharing, building trust relations, dialogue and storytelling (some of the elements of the Woman's Ways of Knowing, Belenky et al., 1986). Knowledge exploration and creation, on this understanding, is a group activity -- it is adult education. Women also form a majority of the teachers within adult education. This may reflect the part-time, often insecure, status of teachers of adults. It may also reflect the “helping or nurturing” (socially identified as typical of women's work) associated with much of adult education -- second language teaching and adult literacy are examples. Also, similar to the argument above about women students, women teachers may be attracted to work as adult and community educators because they recognize the opportunities therein for feminist pedagogy and practice. As in many other fields where women provide the bulk of the labor force, they are not similarly represented within the administrative grades of adult education nor in the top jobs in universities. Many adult students in postsecondary institutions are subject to the “deficit model” of education typified by “adult upgrading” courses aimed at achieving a high school diploma. The idea that they could begin a distinctive adult- education programs situated to their needs, which would situate their learning in their lived experiences, it is not acknowledged. Instead, adult students -- critically women, working class, indigenous an immigrant adults -- are treated not just as disadvantaged but as needing to “catch up.” The advantage their differences gives is not recognized, and the social biases of this advantage is individualized. The question that arises is, Catching up to what? As Dale Spender (1980) argues, the dominant model of education are “still formulated and controlled by males.” Dorothy Smith has explained male-dominated knowledge creation as a result of the “circle effect” whereby men talked to men, both past and present, and “a tradition is formed in this discourse of the pass within the present” (1975), a tradition which excludes women. (It can also be argued that it is a largely Eurocentric white, middle-class, abelist and heterosexual discourse.) Even the radical models of adult education, as represented by Freire, or post-structural/postmodern social theorist such as Foucault or Lacan, or the marriage of these into critical pedagogies by writers such as Giroux and McLaren have come under fire as male-dominated discourse (Luke and Gore, 1992). While some of this feminist critique may be overstated, its purpose is to pose a pedagogy of the possible, to celebrate “agency” or the possibility for social action, and to recognize the value of difference. The purpose of this critique -- promoting agency, recognizing value in difference -- essential to developing a doubt education as a social activity with diverse purpose; it is particularly germane given the gender composition of adult education. Some feminist writers have themselves been criticized for promoting any white, feminist discourse that excludes minority women and does not recognize women's multiple identities.
Increasing Access via Prior Learning Assessment and Recognition
a discussion of prior learning assessment and recognition could fit into a number of different sections of this book, but even the emphasis placed on prior learning assessment and recognition as a mechanism for increasing access to previously disadvantaged and under-represented social groups, we will analyze it here. A movement toward ranking recognition for prior learning began in the last two decades of the last century and is still gathering pace today. Prior learning assessment and recognition refers to the evaluation and acknowledgment of learning that occurs outside of formal credit-awarding training and education programs. Increasingly, educational and training institutions are accepting prior learning assessment and recognition as a legitimate method of gaining access to, or credit in, formal credential-bearing programs. Students are demanding that learning at work and in society be recognized within the traditional education institutions when they seek to make a transition to formal higher education or postsecondary training. Educators are increasingly confronted by the question of how to fairly and accurately use prior learning assessment and recognition process to assess the educational merit of informal learning and non-formal adult education.[Prior learning assessment and recognition is the preferred term in Canada; other terms include: prior learning assessment, accrediting prior learning/assessing prior learning, accrediting prior experiential learning/assessing prior experiential learning and recognition of prior learning.] Whereas accrediting prior learning/assessing prior learning is sometimes reversed for transferring previous course learning and is different from accrediting prior experiential learning/assessing prior experiential, prior learning assessment and recognition will be used here to represent all of these terms. Prior learning assessment and recognition (PLAR) has become a worldwide “movement” encompassing Australia, southern Africa, Europe and North America with and establish international consortium for experiential learning. It attracts those who see PLAR as important for increasing access for previously disadvantaged groups, but also it attracts politicians and business leaders, which suggests they may well view PLAR as a mechanism that will help turn traditional higher education towards meeting the needs, priorities and interests of the “real” world, as they see it. Adult educators have always value students experience in the classroom, and while there is a broad support for PLAR for adult students, there are concerns about processes, the transferability of knowledge, and dilution of the social, emancipatory purposes of adult education. There are a number of ways of assessing prior learning; in these include challenge exams, portfolio assessments (the most common) and demonstrations of skills and knowledge. Transfer of credit is not included here since this essentially refers to the transferring credit gained from one institution courses to courses and programs of another. The essence of PLAR is the recognition of non-course learning gained experientially, perhaps as a consequence of volunteer or workplace activities or private self-guided study. PLAR can also include recognizing learning and non-formal adult courses and ascribing it credit. There are perhaps three basic assumptions behind PLAR: significant learning can and does take place outside the classroom, it should be evaluated for credit by educational institutions and by the workplace for hiring and promotion, and education and training that forces adults to repeat learning are insufficient, costly and unnecessary. The process of completing a portfolio is claimed as educational in itself, helping students to reflect on experiences, gain confidence and redefine goals (European commission, 2002). The process can be presented as very demanding and time consuming but given the number of credits awarded it is essentially time-saving and primarily concerned with reflecting on existing knowledge not new learning. Assessing portfolios is problematic and hinges on the students writing skills and their ability to translate experience into “learning” as well as the assessor’s method and sympathies. The process of PLAR is most often presented as theoretically Unproblematic: the vast majority of research focuses on the technical questions of how to measure learning swerved and also how to persuade traditional education institutions, and “elitist” academics, to accept PLAR credits (Thomas, 1998; European commission, 2002). The case for PLAR fits best with technical training programs that have identifiable skills and abilities as the course objectives. Behavioral learning theories that emphasize competencies or learning outcomes best fit within this instrumental approach to training. Students are encouraged to match their skills to the course outline and outcomes and claimed the credits. PLAR can be useful for workers to demonstrate that they have knowledge and skills that are needed for promotions or are applied to “laddered” skills-based job categories (for example in Australia). PLAR meets most opposition as a method of gaining credit within academic programs (particularly nonprofessional or applied); most courses in traditional academic programs are presented as non-instrumental since the knowledge areas, theories and learning processes of critical reading and writing on which they concentrate our outside of common discourse. Where PLAR is applicable to these programs is often easier to grant generic course credits that match up with the broad program goals that to grant specific course credit by a tempting to match up experiential learning with particular course “learning outcomes” (this broad approach is practice in France) (European commission, 2002).
Learning and Knowledge
PLAR raises the questions: Should all of adult learning be viewed in terms of what is measurable, exchangeable and credit worthy? For example, Derek Briton has argued that the “use value” of certain knowledge is being confused with its “exchange value,” what is very useful in one situation may not be “exchangeable” into course credits. It also “undervalues” experiential learning that can then be transferred (Brinton et al., 1998). This is not to claim that one kind of knowledge is superior to the other but rather that it is different. When individuals decide they need to know more about a certain topic in order to solve a particular problem at work, they are unlikely to be focus on developing critical reading and writing skills. In most cases, they are not going to seek out differing perspectives on a problem and then write an assessment of the arguments. This experiential learning can be useful when undertaking course based learning but it may be quite legitimate to argue that the prior learning is sufficiently different that it cannot be credited as if the applicant had undertaken the course of study (Spencer, et al. 1999). In these situations accelerated courses suited to mature adults may be most useful many individualized distance education programs allow for student self-paced, students can skip those sections of the course with which they are for media and focus on those are new. From a traditional adult education perspective, some of the issues involved in considering the importance of prior learning are very familiar. If we take a broad sweep of adult education we find that credentialism has overtaken many formally non-credential adult courses and programs. Traditionally, but don't education could be defined as outside of the “postsecondary system.” Courses were offered to achieve a number of purposes, including social and community building, for example, Canadian adult education can historically be defined as “education for citizenship.” The outcome of the course was not to be measured by a “grade” but by the reflections and social actions of its participants. The learning could be individual and social what it was not assessed for the purpose of credit. But don't educators adjusted noncredit courses to allow for rewards of credit they had to face up to many of the same issues that are associated with PLAR. A major challenge was to retain the social purposes and collective learning of traditional adult education practice while ensuring that the course would pass any external examination of its credit worthiness. In some cases, courses were abandoned or change significantly in order to adapt to this new learning environment. It cannot be argued that in all classes this was negative but it can be argued generally speaking of the learning objectives were changed to reflect what could be tested and credentialized. The same shift in emphasis -- from learning to credential -- can be observed in PLAR processes. At the core of many PLAR problems is a central contradiction of formal education that is writ even larger when considering experiential learning. The purpose of academic education is knowledge exploration and creation; the gaining of insight and understanding (in short: learning Post fences, but the outcome and importance of formal education is increasingly seen as the credential. As a result many learners and educators substitute the credentials for learning as their central objective. For those seeking PLAR, credit recognition can become the only goal. Instead of using PLAR to focus attention on the gaps in the skills or knowledge -- what is yet to be learned -- the emphasis is placed on finding the fastest route to gain a credential. While this may be understandable it may not always be in the best interests of the diverse social groups PLAR is designed to help. PLAR emphasizes specific and general skills as the “outcomes” of learning rather than the gaining of insights and theoretical understandings around particular area of knowledge or social actions. But the transference gained through PLAR into academics (as opposed to applied) credits is mainly based on what knowledge has been gained. Amongst adult education scholars the usual starting point for a discussion about knowledge is Habermas -- for example, as used by Mezirow in his period of perspective transformation. Knowledge exploration is also linked to the distinction between critical thinking skills and critical thought as promoted in a critical theory. Critical thoughts begins by questioning belief systems and by asking who benefits from dominant ideas: its project is educational and emancipatory. It is very difficult to assess the areas of knowledge through PLAR, for example, it can be argued that this approach to learning will not usually be gained at work, especially given the narrow practices of our modern-day global corporations that demand loyalty and punish criticism. But don't educators have always acknowledged the importance of adult experience in the classroom but knowledge gained through experience is not unproblematic. For example, Freire’s work has been used to justify PLAR. But this reading of Freire ignores his understanding that experience was a starting place and could be very limiting and lead to a “culture of silence.” His arguments is for a dialogical and collective education that results in workers “renaming” the world they occupy and he eventually organizing change it. His concerns with self-awareness, action and reflection is similar to feminist scholars’ approaches to learning, discussed earlier, that can also be labeled experientially based on not experientially limited. However the academy does not have a stranglehold on what counts as knowledge-women's studies, labor studies, indigenous knowledge, cultural studies and the study of adult education all began life outside of the main halls and cloisters of the established universities. Mainstream education today steel downplays or ignores the experience of minority groups in society such a bad their own learning about who they are and what place they occupy within the dominant culture is undertaken outside the official curriculum. This illustrates that knowledge originating and gained outside of universities is important and in some cases is undervalued. Also working people are capable of breaking through the workplace ideology design to co-opt their compliance. Critical experiential learning and non-formal education such as that provided by labor unions, see below is relevant to some University programs.
Credit can be granted on a modular or course-by-course basis or as program credit. Building PLAR into programs can have a significant impact resulting in a program tailored to meet mature-student needs. However any claim for extensive transference of experiential learning into higher education credits needs to be critically examine if it is to gain support of academics, as Hanson has commented “rigorous though the technical requirements of PLAR may be they are of little help without a clear understanding of what they are measuring against and why. Accelerating an adult student to achieve degree completion may be beneficial in lots of different ways but may also result in them missing out on crucial areas of knowledge so the question of how much credit is granted and in place of work courses is important. Adult students do not have to travel the same road to a degree as a high school leaver; for example, adult life experiences may legitimately replace the elected courses designed to give breadth for younger students, even if it cannot substitute for core courses. What PLAR can do is help get adult students started an advanced in their studies making higher education more accessible to previously disadvantaged groups. Perhaps the most convincing argument for PLAR has nothing to do with whether or not any mature student has a particular knowledge that matches a higher education course. It may be possible to institute forms of PLAR that and to grant advanced standing/course credits to students though the recognition that their prior learning is extensive and deserving even if it is not specifically focused on course content. The rationale for doing this is simply not; most certificate and degree courses are designed to ground students in an area of knowledge and assume no prior knowledge beyond what could be expected from a high school student. Even when targeted and more matured students, they are mimicked on programs of study design for graduating high school students. Adult students may not need to undergo the exact same journey to arrive at the overall understanding of a particular subject area. For example, a student who has held a number of positions in her or his union over a number of years is likely to have insight and understanding that go beyond those that can be expected from the average 18 -year-old. Or, indeed those from another adult student with no such experience. If he or she is enrolled in a University labor-studies program is likely that the student with a rich union experience can damage treat creditworthy knowledge relevant to the program. A similar argument can be made for students engaged in other areas of study and prior program-related areas of knowledge, social work, nursing, business, women's studies, indigenous studies, etc. In the case of the labor studies student it may also be possible to grant some credit for noncredit union education course is undertaken non-formal education as well as for the experiential knowledge gained through union activity in formal. This may result in a student doing fewer University courses but they will steal have to take some-it does not exclude the student from undertaking the hard grind of coursework; from the task of critical reading and writing that are associated with academic work. What it does is accept that learning outside of the academy is valued and relevant; it may be different learning, from course based learning but it can nonetheless result in valuable knowledge some of which will be credit worthy. As noted above, many PLAR advocates are keen to reduce all courses to a list of outcomes or competencies, because they share a limited behaviorally influence view of education and learning. Within the competency approach content take second place to skills. The argument that a particular course has been put together in order to challenge a student's understanding of a particular area -- or to develop critical awareness around certain issues porch deepened insights -- leaves them cold. And for some courses it's the journey that is important not a specific outcome. For example, a particular history or literature course may consist of reading a set of texts carefully chosen for differing interpretations and designed to bring out contrasting opinions. Such a journey is unlikely to be traveled outside of the course. PLAR advocates should just accept that such a course is usually outside their remit. This kind of caveat is not to suggest that PLAR does not pose fundamental questions for the formal education system. For example what exactly are the core areas of knowledge that constitute a particular degree; what is the relevance of residency; and what is a first degree usually a four year (120 credits) program in North America? Many degree programs simply accept existing conventions while others have not undergone significant rethinking for years. Although institutions allow small variations they essentially favor conformity a suggestion that one ‘four-year’ degree program should be 120 credits and another 111 and yet another 93 would create organizational apoplexy. Comparisons with other programs would become difficult to systemize. A part from the general challenge posed by PLAR, what it also allows for is the individual candidate to challenge the course program and maybe make it fit better with the areas of skills and knowledge she or he needs and maybe after having earned PLAR credits, undertake a 93 credit, ‘four year’ degree. While PLAR may emphasize access dramatically illustrated in post-apartheid South Africa there is still evidence from empirical studies across Europe that has benefited previously disadvantaged groups. PLAR has the potential to shake up traditional teaching but the mainstream promotion of PLAR does little to resuscitate the Democratic social purposes of adult education. It has the opposite tendency it emphasizes the argument that learning is essentially about skills and competencies useful for employment. The challenge for progressive educators today is no different to that of the past adult educators. It is to marry critical experiential learning that working people do engage in to critical theoretical knowledge within the academy -- to recognize experiential knowledge when it is appropriate and build on it when needed.
An Example of Diversity: Labor Education
Does adult education have to conform to the dominant economic paradigm? Can it serve diverse even opposite purposes? He does all contemporary of adult education have to blend with formal education provisions? The overview or labor education in Canada that calls describes one area of adult education about which little has been written. It is included here as an example of the diversity of adult education. It also illustrates the diversity of education that can exist with one category of adult education -- in this case, with labor education. At the end of this review we will revisit the questions above. The term’ union education’ can be used interchangeably with ‘labor education’ in this chapter. The term union education is sometimes reverse for courses run directly by unions rather than by other providers. Alan Thomas’s reference to labor education blurts Canadian adult educators to an important sphere of adult education little known to them. This may not be so surprising because as he makes clear labor unions undertake most labor education themselves without the assistance of professional adult educators. Although funding by the federal government has been cut union controlled labor education remains a major provider of non-formal adult education for working people -- perhaps steal more important than companies ‘workplace learning’ schemes. A main purpose of labor education is to prepare and train union lay an active role in the union. Another purpose is to educate activists and members about union policy about changes in the union environment such as new management techniques or changes in labor law. Labor education is also used to develop union consciousness to field common goals and to share organizing and campaign experience. Unions have a small full-time staff and therefore rely on what is essentially voluntary activity of their members to be effective at work. Labor education program is a major contributor to building an effect of volunteer force. Labor education also helps to sustain and build a ‘labor culture’ an alternative knowledge of events and society. Most labor union members learn about the union while on-the-job what is often referred to as in formal or incidental learning. They probably learn more and are most active during disputes but they also learned from union publication and communications from attending meetings, conferences and conventions and from the unions educational programs. Although labor education only caters to a small number of members in any one year it is social as opposed to personal, education. It is designed to benefit a larger number of members because the course participants bring the education to other union members. Labor education has a social purpose -- to promote and develop the union presence and purpose so as to advance the union collectively. While labor centrals such as the Canadian Labour Congress and Canadian Federation of labor to collect information on the number of courses provided by their affiliates or by themselves and the number of union members attending they do not have the resources to compound statistical reports. There is also no consistency in the reporting of educational provision by affiliates, provincial labor bodies or independent unions. Courses might be provided by a union local or a labor Council or a may be offer collaboratively with local colleges. They may draw on funds provided provincially or nationally. The Canadian Labour Congress 60% of Canadians and union members belong to unions affiliated with the Canadian Labour Congress accounted for the largest slice of labor Canada funds. It is reported that 1,496 students received assistance from 24 provincial schools in 1992 and 1993 this the data is for both the weeklong schools which includes several courses and separate weeklong courses or workshops but estimated that between 10000 and 15,000 union members attend courses in which the Canadian Labour Congress was involved. If figures were added from the educational provision of individual unions in labor Council these figures could easily be triple but there are dangers of double counting. For example a course that is providing essentially for an individual union might be offered at a provincial Federation of labor school which is partly funded by the Canadian Labour Congress. However the education provision made by individual unions, union locals and labor councils is probably two or three times that made by the Canadian Labour Congress and other union centrals. There is also the question what counts as labor education? Does an in-company course offered to union safety committee members talked by union and management tutors count as labor education? If so does its field County supervisors and management committee members are present? Does a two-hour union introduction program for new starters count as labor education? Giving these kinds of problem it is probably of little value to attempt to pin down and accurate statistics of labor education in Canada. At best we can guesstimate based on the returns of labor Canada the records of individual unions and the assumption as to what constitutes ‘labor education.’ Some of the statistics include the following: labor Canada provided educational funds for be independent, nonaffiliated unions in 1992 and 1983 on the basis of a total of 454,000 members. The independence claim 15,501 members participated in those funded courses giving a participation rate of 3.4%, to take an example of one union, the United food and commercial workers international Union calculates that 3227 of its Canadian members participated in courses over an 11 month. And another 668 members attended industry offices giving a participation rate between 2% and 3.5% over one year on a membership of approximately 170,000; as another example, the Ontario nurses association with 50,000 members educates 2000 (4%) members per year. Just as we can estimate the extent of labor education we can also provide a list of items to be incorporated within a working definition of labor education. Mainstream labor education includes the following: courses lasting at least one half day thereby omitting short talks and inductions for new members; all weekend, evening in daytime classes up to and including the eight week residential labor College of Canada course; courses essentially controlled by the unions and targeted at their members, union representatives and officials; course designed to enhance union effectiveness or developed union consciousness; and all courses for union members except specific ‘job’ (vocational) training (but including courses on negotiating vocational training). Using this definition and statistical information available we can guess that some 12,000 union members per year 3% of the total underwent some of the labor education in Canada in the early 1990s. Such a guesstimate workplace Canadian Labour education at a level of provisions similar to that of the UK and Australia although there is probably less study time per student in Canada than in the UK. However it is much lower than the level of provision in Scandinavia 10% or more where there are a stronger tradition of union and workers education and different relations between unions and the state.
An Overview of Labor Education
Most labor education courses provide by unions can be divided into: tools courses for example shop steward training, grievance handling, health and safety representative courses, the next largest category is issued courses for example, sexual harassment, racism for new human resource Management strategies which often seek to link workplace and societal issues, and a third group of courses can be labeled labor studies and they seek to examine the union content for example, labor history, economics and politics. Tools courses directly compare members for active roles in the union to become representatives of the Union tools courses are targeted at existing or potential union activists. They are provided directly by the unions by labor federations or by union central such as the Canadian Labour Congress, the UK trade Union Congress, the Swedish Confederation of trade unions. Tools for example, by many of labor studies centers across the US and by educational institutions collaboratively with the central bodies or individual unions for example with colleges, universities, and the workers educational Association collaborating with the trade union congress in Britain. They may also be provided by specialize institutions such as the now defunct Australian trade union training Authority for South Africa's development institution for training, support, and education of labor. Many unions layer their courses with introductory comment intermediate and advanced courses and programs. Some of the introductory tools courses lead on to issue courses sometimes referred to as ‘awareness’ courses which are specifically targeted at raising awareness and union actions around the issues discussed. In some cases there will not be a strict demarcation between tools and issues courses nor a requirement to undertake one before the other but the differentiation between types and therefore the aims and purposes of labor education can be useful for analytical purposes. The union movement also provides more expensive and demanding educational opportunities later said he such as the Harvard trade union program for lead officials, evening certificate courses in the UK and be Canadian Labour Congress is pride week residential labor College of Canada. The LCC teaches for courses -- labor history, economics, sociology and politics -- at a first-year university level in a four-week block. Labor law is now taught as a one-week course in the regions. Although the LCC uses some university educators and take place in the University of Ottawa it is a separate entity directly accountable to Canadian Labour Congress. This differs from the Harvard program with its more autonomous structure and from other US college programs and from the other built residential colleges in the UK such as Ruskin and Northern College. These offer year-long programs and are open to union members. Similar labor studies programs can be found in other countries and within some mainstream University offerings project late in the US, strata, New Zealand, and Canada although these are open to the general public. Perhaps the most innovative example of a labor study program offered to union members is in negotiating, paid educational leave program developed by the Canadian autoworkers and now also offered by the Canadian Union of postal workers. The intention of the dedicated labor study courses is to supplement trade Union tools and issue courses with a broader education program and in some cases to provide a research basis for union activity. Some universities are linking directly with unions to offer research collaboration for example, Leeds in the UK, Oregon in the US for study and research circles for example in Sweden. Although unions are usually represented on the ‘boards of studies’ of the University -- and college-offered labor studies program they are rarely union control. The variations in the nature, structures and delivery of labor education courses are manifest. The difference between these types of courses are fluid some courses will have elements of each type in the one course; for example, and introductory course for shop steward could have a history of political economy component and an issue section. Where unions put their emphasis may vary depending on many factors such as the type of union philosophy abdicated-business unionism accommodated/adaptive versus organizing model oppositional/militant. The first philosophical approach may result in a greater emphasis on tools and less on labor studies. Curriculum and teaching methods for these core labor educational courses have been hotly contested over the years and have been linked in the assertion that labor education should adopt a public education or Freirian approach. In is extreme form it was argued that courses would have no specific course content but experientially based would respond only to the concerns of course participation attending a rectal course; and be led by facilitators rather than teachers. All other education approaches were dismissed as forms of banking education. While this debate may have been beneficial in reminding labor educators of the importance of democratic participation both in the classroom and in the union and the link between the two it also distracted attention from issues of course content. The need to address some of the key issues facing union members and to discuss information that may be outside of their immediate experience means a plant course content as well as participatory methods. John McIlroy illustrates how the emphasis on participation can mask a retreat into technical training courses denuded of content and represents a move away from the traditions of workers education committed to establishing it understanding of political economy among labor activist. It is more common now for unions to offer a range of courses with different focuses and to incorporate purchase drawing methods and experiential elements as appropriate: some courses are essentially experiential and others are not. Mike Newman 1993, has discussed the question of what adult educational philosophies in teaching methods are appropriate in making kinds of labor education courses and has shown that a range of different educational approaches can be beneficial. It should also be noted that unions in different countries to run women-only courses in courses targeted at specific groups of members; for example, CAW advertises courses for ‘workers of color.’ The intention in these cases is to ensure those attending are not in a minority and any issues that are specific to them are not marginalized.
Other labor education, while tools and labor studies might describe the majority of labor education the definitions do not encompass all labor education offerings. Unions are directly involved in a number of membership education programs some of them with a basic skills or vocational purpose. In some cases and union-run literacy and second language courses are tutored by fellow unionists and act as a bridge linking immigration wore a literate workers to union concerns and publications. Certainly unions are responsible for number of worker training programs, which allow the unions to educate workers about union concerns alongside vocational training. In some countries skilled and professional unions have a long history in union-sponsored vocational training and education courses. Unions including non-craft unions are becoming much more proactive in responding to company restructuring and deskilling and are arguing for reskilling, skills recognition and skills profiling as well as challenging employers to live up to their rhetoric on ‘pay for knowledge.’ In some countries the unions have developed a comprehensive and integrated education and training programs such as Britain's unison open college, which includes labor education, basic skills, recognition of prior learning and vocational training opportunities for all union members. In Brazil program integrate offering union-sponsored labor education, vocational training and educational opportunities for the unemployed and is linked to the drive to create worker-owned co-operatives. In other situations and unions are engaging in partner of workplace-learning programs partnered with employers and other agencies such as NGOs. Unions are also involved in worker health and safety training this should not be confused with unions safety representative tools training, which may be joint management courses but they often allowed unions to argue for it a union view safe workplace as opposed to a management view state workers of health and safety. In some cases and union-run worker health and safety training has been used as a part of union organizing drivers. We should not ignore educational provisions for full-time officers within our purview of labor education. There has been a growing interest magically in Europe, Québec and Canada generally in equipping full-time officers with the educational tools needed to conduct union business in a global economy. Unions have also had some limited involvement in television production such as work week or working TV in Canada or the labor education program broadcast in Britain and the late 1960s and early 1970s. Union representatives participate in television and radio programs in an attempt to present union perspectives influence public opinion and educate their members. Some unions are actively involved encouraging school to broaden their curriculum to include labor issues are providing packages of materials and by training and providing speakers for school visits. Also we should not ignore union-sponsored arts and cultural events such as Canada's MayWorks or Manchester, England's labor history Museum. In summary most labor education in Canada and elsewhere consist of tools training in issue courses targeted trade union activists. In addition union and unions central provides labor study programs often reserved for those activists who have been through the school and issue courses but sometimes targeted at members generally. If you educational institutions with the union to provide labor education more often labor studies program for labor unions across Canada. The unions are also involved in workplace literacy, work training program, and in televisual broadcasting all of which are targeted at members and you include some elements of labor education.
An example of union provisions: CUPE’s five-level program, individual unions offer a range of courses for activists although the particular offerings will vary the kind of courses offered by CUPE are broadly typical of those of other Canadian unions. CUPE’s six level education program is graded in leads to a certificate of completion for members will have undertaken the five levels of courses – including CLC labor college. Courses in levels one to four are usually offered at weekends or weeklong seminars and are instructed by ‘peer instructors’ or union staff. Broadly speaking, the levels are: new members and officers, steward training, collective bargaining, specialize courses, and labor college/Athabasca University distance education course and labor college residential program.
Level 1-new members and officers: level 1 includes a course called our union which is designed providing you will members and new low point unions with knowledge about CUPE and how it functions. It also shows participants held set up and run an effective union organization including union committees. For example, it explains the role of union officers and how to conduct meetings in of the course offered at this level is the financial Officer training which is a course specifically designed for Secretary-treasurers and trustees. Level 2-steward training: this level is divided into two courses the first is effect of stewarding a basic course which is primarily instructed by trained rank-and-file occasional instructors. The second course is advanced steward training which is usually presented by unions that. This course offers more analysis of contract language and arbitration cases than ‘grievance handling’ component of the first course. Level 3-collective-bargaining; level 3 offers three courses to be taken consecutively the introduction to bargaining course attempts to demonstrate how many of the negotiating skills used in daily life were late to the collective-bargaining process. It also focuses on how to develop an overall bargaining strategy to achieve specific goals. The course includes: how to set up and pursue bargaining goals, dealing with the employer, the importance of good communication skills, leadership in bargaining, developing effective tactics, building support for bargaining goals both within the local and the community, the right to strike, and presenting a settlement to the membership. The second collective-bargaining course provides an overview of the collective-bargaining system as it exists in Canada today. It outlines the roles played by three main participants -- employers, unions, and governments -- and analyzes the strengths and weaknesses of the system. It introduces the CUPE standard agreement and deals in detail with a number of contemporary issues. The third course deals with formulating and substantiating collective-bargaining demands and helps participants use research and statistical materials. When the courses given in a seminar setting a mock bargaining session is a component. Level 4-specialize courses; level for is divided into three categories: advanced discussions of material already covered such as advance parliamentary procedure, application, public speaking, and face-to-face communications; courses designed to broaden the understanding of the role of trade union activity in the content of Canadian and world citizenship such as political action, understanding economics, labor law; and all the special issues courses such as health and safety training, WHMIS, pay equity, employment equity, contracting out, Aids in the workplace, union counseling. Level 5-labor college, the first two categories of level for serve the additional purpose of preparing members for level 5 labor college of Canada residential program. Most of these courses in the first four levels are available at weekend seminars sponsored by CUPE district councils. Specific courses are arranged for union locals and groups of them. In Ontario, the Ontario division sponsors of to three large weekend seminars with 10 to 12 courses and upwards of 350 participants. CUPE national also holds three weeklong schools in Ontario some of these courses are available on a correspondence basis as well. Many aspects of the CUP five level program are replicated by other unions at local, provincial and national levels. The mix of tool training and issue courses is common to typical union education programs in calendar however in some unions the level for courses on economics or labor law are left to the CLC-sponsored provincial federation in labor schools. Course offerings also reflect the problems faced by vertically industrial sector for example, the UFCW includes courses on repetitive strain injury as well as more common health and safety topics it also has programs on layoffs and closures and an extensive union-sponsored literacy program.
Professional unions: nurses and teachers, a growth area of organized labor in Canada since the 1960s has been public sector professionals some of who are organize within existing unions but more typically are organize independently into provincial unions such as the Ontario nurses Association or the British Columbia teachers Federation. Most of these are not affiliated to any labor central although there has been a move towards that for example with University faculty. Many of the programs run by these organizations are similar to those of other unions about some reflect professional concerns for example the ONA has a program of professional responsibility which encompasses the dual accountability of nurses as employees and as professionals the British Columbia teachers Federation include courses on a code of ethics and violence in school within their programs. Other courses offered reflect the particular situation facing members such as courses of assertiveness training for nurses on a political lobbying for both groups. The British Columbia teachers Federation in preparation for a shift from localized centralized bargaining extended the availability of their education programs to include more local representatives who might be involved in contract administration. The unions or professional associations face a number of problems while the problems are not unique to professional unionism they are common to them. These include: the costs involved in gathering together representatives from scattered workplaces; getting time off and meeting the costs of wage loss or replacement labor for example a supply teacher/substitute teacher; and the problem of developing a ‘union consciousness’ among members. The British Columbia teachers Federation would argue that what they are trying to do is to develop a critical consciousness among their members are gently and often general courses on educational themes. It is clear that such programs also aimed to build union activity by encouraging members to identify issues on which the union should campaign. Some unions have directly tackled the problem of developing union and class consciousness through a ‘membership education’ program
Membership education: the Canadian autoworkers, a number of unions are running membership education courses targeted at the broader membership and not just union activists. The most distinctive and intensive is that offered by the Canadian autoworkers this program which is now emulated by the Canadian Union of postal workers is not focus narrowly on preparing representatives for collective-bargaining but on promoting an understanding of the unions social and political goals. The Canadian autoworkers and its predecessor the Canadian section of the remaining autoworkers have been running extensive educational programs for their members and activists throughout the postwar period. Since the split of the United Auto Workers, the Canadian autoworkers has refurbished its family education Center at Port Elgin, Ontario on the shores of Lake Huron and overhauled its education programs. Central to this refurbishment is the unions paid education leave program. The program is funded by 2 to 3 cents per member per hour benefit negotiating contracts with employers. The money goes into a trust fund and is used to pay for lost wages, travel, accommodations and the education program. The bargaining unit usually a particular local can stand as many members as its contributions allows. The program consists of four weeklong residential courses usually separated by two to three weeks back at work. The program is preview by applicants at a weekend residential school to which applicants partners are invited and commitments are made to take the full course. A paid educational leave course would typically consist of 130 members subdivided into six groups the union also offers a program in French. By 1986 more than 5000 members had completed the basic Canadian autoworkers/paid educational leave program. There have been some changes in the program but originally each week/level of the basic four-week course had a separate theme: level 1 the present as history, level 2 sociology, level 3 political economy, and level for social/political change. Some studies skills for example basic math and reading and union representatives’ skills for example reporting an effective speaking were built into the course. There were also committees established at the outset from among course members which mere of the kind of committees onto reading throughout the union -- substance abuse, international affairs, women, human rights, cultural and recreation. These committees organize events during the course and make recommendations to the course coordinator. The course concluded with a convention mock-conference focusing on the wide range of issues address during the course and reported on by the committees. Local union discussion leaders led the sessions. The volunteers are union activists will release can be negotiated for a particular week their rages are paid out of paid educational leave trust fund and who have received additional leadership training. In addition to training and teaching methods these lay tutors meets annually to discuss changes in course content and updates to materials. There is plenty of opportunity for student experience and knowledge to be used within the groups although the approach used in material-and subject based rather than relying on student experience from course content. The union's purpose is to provide a broad educational experience with challenges their members to question social, economic and political structures and to review the role of unions in society. They discussed the relationship between national and international questions as well as bills between union members. It is clear from talking to members that the course is an eye opener for many participants, particularly for those who conceived of the Union as having only a limited role. Experiences is also social, contracts are made in members gain an understanding of the dip in work and community situations. Articles and books are read and videos exchanged, newspapers are gutted and discussed. It is always difficult to evaluate the impact of this kind of course. The Canadian autoworkers contend that a majority of participants leave with the heightened union and social consciousness and that a substantial minority are prepared to take on union positions as a result. A4-week residential membership education program is a model for the kind of paid educational leave that can be won through negotiations its future, though, is dependent on what can be achieved in negotiations. A substantial number of students come from plants in the ‘big three’ auto companies and those companies can be affected by layoffs and staff reductions. The union is committed to extending the paid education leave clause to all its contracts in all of the new sectors merging into Canadian autoworkers. Approximately 75% of bargaining units covering 93% of the union's total membership have negotiated paid educational leave. The biggest threat to the program comes from plant closures and the continuing restructuring of the Canadian economy. It is important to recognize that the employer has no influence over the paid education leave program. It is not employer-page time off as experience in some joint Union/management training courses. Once the contract includes a paid education leave clause the money collected goes into the Canadian autoworkers-page education leave trust fund which pays for lost wages and expenses of members will attend the course. The member receives full-time off without pay from the employer. There is no government influence over the educational programs a union offers its members. The program is now being emulated by CUPW, who have negotiated a three cents per member levy. They use the Port Elgin facility to run a number of paid educational leave classes alongside Canada autoworkers courses in preparation for their separate CUPW program.
Internationalism: Steelworkers humanity fun education program, the Canadian autoworkers and CUPW paid education leave program is not the only membership education program to include international issues a number of unions offer courses specifically on international issues and given the increasing globalization of capital and the growth of free-trade deals is important to consider how unions have responded educationally to these developments. One of the most distinctive courses is that of the Steelworkers. What follows is a description of a course called thinking north-south developed by the Steelworkers humanity fund which is taught in Steelworkers weeklong schools. Rank and file activists drawn from the 280 bargaining units which have contributed to the humanity fund spend a week together thinking about the workings of the global economy. Over 110 rank-and-file workers throughout Canada has participated in the course by 1992. 15 have also traveled to visit projects in El Salvador and Peru. The course was offered seven times in a two-year period, 1991 to 1992 using participatory educational methods. Participants mapped out the workings of the global economy starting with their own workplace and eventually create a complex map linking structural adjustments in the South with free trade in the north. The instructor team which includes worker-instructors who have done the course and travel to other countries have experimented with different approaches. One course included a role-play of press conference given by delegations at an international meeting in the hemispheric initiatives. The Peruvian delegation and Canadian delegation made representations on current economic policies the journalists were divided into labor and mainstream press. The course has stuck with the question of how the media frames visions of the South as a recipient of charity rather than as a potential partner in solving world problems. One video use was Simon Ngubane, a history of the South African metal workers. Responses to the video included: “I had no idea there was such a sophisticated trade union movement in South Africa or why does TV jet show us black on black violence instead of news from trade unions?” In addition to teaching internationalism Canadian unions sponsor international educational activities the more expensive understanding for broader national and international context is often the focus of international labor studies courses.
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Essay Instructions: Please read carefully. This is instruction for research paper.
Most important thing is that please provide very specific and strong examples.
This paper require very specific and concrete research.
1. Thesis Statement
: Internal and external work enviroment has influenced the productivity of labor in both the public and the provate sector of thw west coast economy in Washington - Oregon State.
: To examine relationship between work environment and labor productivity: to prove whether good work environment and makes high labor productivity or there is no correlation between work environment between environment and labor productivity. (Good work environment is not a major reason for improving labor productivity. There will be other factors contributing to enhanced labor productivity.) I need good work environment and labor productivity's data on indications.
If other factors are contributing to enhanced labor productivity as major reason, please define there are another SPECIFIC INTERVENING and CONFOUNDING VARIABLES to improve labor productivity besides good work environment. (Example: There is no Protests or Strikes? Since, this paper is about labor and union studies, so it should focus on labor human rights and some sertain laws from protests and strikes.)
Industries of the Washington-Oregon coastline are rising faster than the other states in US because since several major companies of America concentrate on Washington and Oregon such as Boeing, Microsoft, Starbucks and Nike.
However, I learned from lecture about a labor union "ILWU from Tacoma, WA", PLEASE use "ILWU" as example rather than big companies from west-coast line. There are some reasons why I choose ILWU as example because I learned about ILWU in the lecture and then the class is called, "Labor Studies", so it could be related directly between ILWU and my research topic. If I use regional Union "ILWU" for research paper, it will be more specific and it was from lecture stuffs, so I could get more better grade. Please research about ILWU very specifically about view of Labor and Union Studies.
Well, you still can use example one or two fro, four main companies what I mentioned in Washington and Oregon because they are front runners of world industries and they are exemplary for other companies. However, please research ILWU more than major companies.
Therefore, I want you examine ILWU and four companies, which are adaptable for changes, ARE THEY EFFECTIVE? OR NOT EFFECTIVE? IF IT IS EFFECTIVE, WHY? IF IT'S NOT, WHY? Please keep asking why question until the end of research.
You must need 2ND EMPIRICAL TESTING FOR these questions.
But please don't forget THESIS STATEMENT!!
3. Brief explantion of research paper:
Please explain BRIEFLY about history (from 1970s until now) of work environment for labors in west coast (Washington-Oregon) and to explain how work environment for labors has changed since 1970s to 2000s in Washington and Oregon comparing with ILWU and one for two from major companies. Based on timeline, I am going to research correlation between levels of labor productivity and effectiveness of changes of work environment in 1970s, 1980s, 1990s, and 2000s. Also, I will examine four major companies what I mentioned as examples for my research.
Please have VERY STRONG AND SPECIFIC DATA for the good work environment INDICATORS what I mentioned early the period 1970s-2000s, you should use REGRESSION ANALYSIS or even simply crossing them each other with labor productivity data.
11-page paper (excluding work-cited sheet, if you over 11-page, until 12-page will be fine), Double-spaced, 11 fonts, Times New Roman, and 1-inch margin.
This paper should be professional, so I choose Master level of writing and research skills.
Deadline: March 6th 2012 4:00 P.M., EST. Please finish on time.
Excerpt From Essay:
Essay Instructions: Intro to Labor Studies Final Take Home Exam
Please answer the following two questions, with each answer approximately 2? - 4 pages long, double-spaced, 12-point font (max).
(1) This class has focused on low-wage workers (Ehrenreich?s co-workers), African-American workers (Mollie, Dorothy), workers in maquilas (Balbina), immigrant workers and farm workers (Coalition of Immokalee Workers), workers in visa programs (Indian welders), and coerced or slave workers (many in the book Nobodies).
A theme that seems to connect all these different types of workers is unequal power when a potential employer and those types of employees meet in the job market. Consider different measures (laws, standards, practices, etc.) that might equalize the power relationship somewhat, and whether they would overall be desirable or undesirable. Be as specific as possible about the measures and how they would be applied to the situations of some of the workers we've read about. Give good reasons for your positive or negative position, whatever it is, on the measures you are evaluating.
(2) Kwame Anthony Appiah?s essay argues for a global ethic he calls ?cosmopolitanism,? as opposed to either absolute opposition to, or support for, the type of globalization we are experiencing.
(a) Briefly state his argument (be sure to include the commitment of ?pluralism? and ?fallibilism? in your statement of what cosmopolitanism is.)
(b) Evaluate Appiah?s position. What are the objections to it? Are these worthy objections? How is his argument a good one, and persuasive? Explain your position on Appiah's argument. (Utilize our other readings for this class in your answer.)
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Essay Instructions: On 19th of Nov. I mailed you a postal money order
# 83 for $96. Please write three brief and
very effective essays of two pages each on the following
LABOR STUDIES topic:
1- compare and contrast the essential features of the economies
in the leading nations as theses relate to wages, benifits, productivity,
and living standard.
2- Define and discuss how and in what ways quality unionism works
and how and in what ways it is important in effecting a quality workplace.
Discuss the characteristic of beef packinghouse industry (in Garden City,
southwetern Kansas) and the impact of this form of production on immigrant
workers. Compare and contrast the goals and practises of this form of production
to the goals and practices of a quality workplace.
No need of providing many references. Thanks for your cooperation.
Excerpt From Essay:
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