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Title: The Republic Manages its Imperial Reach 1900 1914

Total Pages: 3 Words: 1078 Works Cited: 0 Citation Style: APA Document Type: Essay

Essay Instructions: Please Discuss the Case Analysis below:: only using the Sources I send to you. Do not use any source outside of the sources that I request you to use.

IF available please use writer: lauralindsey
________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________



The First International Peace Conference



Introduction



From mid-spring to mid-summer, 1899, twenty-six nations performed a remarkable collective feat: they participated in The First International Peace Conference at The Hague. While many of the proposed issues central to the purpose of the conference were left unmitigated, such as disarmament, important conventions such as the concept of voluntary arbitration through a permanent tribunal were, at least in concept, adopted. In this essay I will examine the setting that preceded and hosted the Conference; discuss the events, the people, and motivations; relate the actions taken; and touch on the effects of the Conference. Finally, I will assess the consequences of this event; including the consideration of alternative actions and outcomes.



Background Context



In the 1890s, the explosion of expansion and imperialism, the rise of military technology and the precipitous increase of armaments, the vast increase of naval activity, overall greater frequency of international interaction, ever-increasing trade and economic development, and a growing interest in peace lay the path to the International Peace Conference. Russia, the Conference?s originator, was alarmed at the burgeoning military of Germany, and the economic pressures of keeping up with armaments. Following the Venezuela border dispute with the United States and its observation of the Spanish-American-Cuban-Philippines war, Britain sought allies. America, fresh from the aforementioned war as well as within recent memory of its Civil War, and elevated to the great powers table, sought beneficial relations with Britain and other nations to protect trade and avoid war; American isolationism had been abandoned. Pacifism was popular; women as well as men led peace movements throughout the world to ?rein in the ?champing steeds?? (Paterson, T., Clifford, J. and Hagan, K. American Foreign Relations, V. 1. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 2000, 239).



The tone that eventually filled the end of the 19th Century had been articulated thirty years earlier, in the words of French journalist E. Laboulaye: ?Steam and electricity have so mixed peoples up, so run together all civil and commercial interests, that men have clearly seen all the horror and folly of war, all the wisdom and beauty of peace? (Trueblood, B.F. International Peace Conference at the Hague. The New England Magazine 6 August 1899: 651. Cornell, Making of America. ). And as to the inevitable shrinking globe, Professor Edwin A. Grosvenor of Amherst College remarked in 1898, ?Barriers of national seclusion are everywhere tumbling like the Great Wall of China. Every nation elbows other nations to-day? (Paterson, T., Clifford, J. and Hagan, K. American Foreign Relations, V. 1. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 2000, p. 228). Further, increasing democratic participation on national scales set the stage for an international assembly.



Facts, Actors, and Stakes



Through his Foreign Minister, Count Muravieff, Czar Nicholas of Russia disseminated an international Circular detailing his proposals for a peace conference, in December, 1898. The topics put forward in the Russian Letter included arms reduction; prohibition or restriction of new weapons, including those with chemical gases; prohibitions or reductions of submarines; neutrality protection of rescue missions of shipwrecked victims in battle; and the acceptance of voluntary arbitration to settle disputes, including ease in accessing arbitration, and conditions for application (Peace Conference at the Hague, 1899: Instructions to the Conference. The Avalon Project. ). The Conference invitation intrigued nations, in terms of both humanitarianism and national self-interest.



Along with the Czar, ?the oldest queen in the world and the youngest queen in the world,? Queen Victoria of England and Queen Wilhelmina of the Netherlands, encouraged international peace work (Trueblood, 652-653). Queen Wilhelmina provided the beautiful and elegant House in the Woods at The Hague for the occasion, and she and her foreign minister, W. H. De Beaufort, provided several receptions and dinners to welcome delegations and ease cooperation among them. Another Dutch official, J.C.N. Van Eys, served as General Secretary of the Conference.



Soft-spoken and personable Baron de Staal of Russia presided over the Conference. Heads of the international delegations included the well-regarded Sir Julian Pauncefote of Great Britain, Leon Bourgeois of France, who declined the premiership of his country in order to participate at the Conference, and Andrew White of the United States, widely recognized for his scholarship, critical ability, and honesty. Although representing Belgium, a smaller power, August Beernaert and his progressive ideas, as well as Senator Descamps and his model for an international tribunal, significantly influenced the Conference. Count Von Munster, who was cool to the proceedings but eventually participated, led the German delegation. Baron Hayashi of Japan sought a system of arbitration. Another member of the Russian commission, Professor de Martens, provided arbitration formats and suggestions to Conference President de Staal and specialized in international legal issues. Additional members of the American delegation included Captain A.T. Mahan, United States Navy, who pressed for maritime protection of private property during war, Mr. Holls, who helped design the arbitration model and had a amicable relationship with one German representative so as to encourage participation by that reluctant country, and Seth Low, President of Columbia University. Other participants included leading figures of the peace movement, including John de Bloch of the Netherlands, whose work, The Future War, had stimulated international attention, and the German Baroness von Suttner, author of the pacifist work Lay Down Your Arms, and the only woman who was present at the opening of the Conference, mingling openly with delegates. Others in the ?peace societies? included Dr. Darby of England, who had written the book, International Tribunals, and American W.T. Stead, who had worked on the peace conference concept with Russian officials. With some peace advocates were petitions for peace, or memorials, including one with the signatures of 100,000 Belgians, as brought by Senator La Fontaine, another signed by 200,000 Dutch, brought by Madame Waszklewicz of the Dutch Peace Crusade, and yet another signed by millions of women from eighteen nations, brought by Madame Selenka of Munich, Germany (Trueblood, 667).



Participating nations included the United States, Great Britain, Russia, Holland (The Netherlands), France, Ireland, Germany, Italy, Belgium, Spain, Austria-Hungary, Denmark, Sweden, Norway, Japan, Mexico, China, Switzerland, Siam, Turkey, Persia, Portugal, Luxemburg, Serbia, and Bulgaria (Trueblood, 655). Significantly, as noted later by American delegate Low, no nation from Africa, or from Central or South America, was included (Low, S. The International Conference of Peace. The North American Review 516, November 1899: 626. Cornell, Making of America ).



Decisions and Interactions



After initial attempts at secrecy in the talks were thwarted by the efforts of diligent journalists, and after advocacy for openness by Stead and others, the Conference provided a daily public briefing of its proceedings. The Dutch royal and diplomatic hosts provided a generous, warm atmosphere to encourage progress and to ease skepticism.



Although one of the Conference?s purposes was that of disarmament, the issue was tabled, to be replaced in prominence by the concept of arbitration. Nevertheless, the subject of arms reduction was referred for further deliberation of the nations, with a general consensus adopted: ?The Conference believes that the limitation of the military charges which at present so oppress the world is greatly to be desired for the increase of the material and moral welfare of mankind? (Low, 631). The United States commission, which professed to an arsenal much smaller proportionally than those of Europe, however, abstained from the subject of military budgets and volumes, considering it a European issue. Further, the issue of the suppression of innovation in war technology was also set aside.



Three Declarations were adopted, including the prohibition of ?projectiles and explosives? launched by balloons, projectiles with ?asphyxiating or deleterious gases,? and bullets that ?expand or flatten? (Low, 628). The United States and Britain agreed with the first and disagreed with the last two of these provisions. The two nations concurred that balloons were too unpredictable to be an airborne vehicle of war, incurring the risk of civilian and economic losses. The second, that of chemical gas-filled weapons, the American delegation argued, had not yet been adequately studied, and were not necessarily less humane than torpedoes. To the third Declaration, the American commission stated that smaller bullets that expand or flatten may not be crueler than larger bullets, but the delegation remained open to the concept of prohibiting ?unnecessarily cruel? bullets (Ibid., 630).



Additionally, the Conference developed and adopted three Conventions. A Convention concerning the Laws and Customs of War on Land, originally inspired by President Lincoln, according to Seth Low, restricted treatment of prisoners of war and the method of invasions. The second Convention adapted the provisions of the Geneva Convention of 1864 to protect hospital ships, although only if they flew neutral flags. The third, and most important Convention, was the Convention for the Peaceful Settlement of International Disputes. This last Convention?s purpose was stated in its Title 1: ?with the view of preventing, as often as possible, the resort to force between nations, the signatory Powers agree to employ all their efforts to assure the peaceful settlement of international differences? (Low, 634). Further, the Convention provided for friendly nations as mediators, permits inquiries to offer impartiality and challenges interpretations of ?honor? and ?essential interests? in the justification for military conflict, and provides arbitration on a voluntary, as opposed to compulsory, basis. The Conference created the concept of a Permanent Tribunal and arbitrators specifically dedicated to its operation, as opposed to ad hoc, often bilateral developments, for ease of arbitration.



Outcomes



Most significantly, the first International Peace Conference at the Hague provided the Convention for the Peaceful Settlement of International Disputes, initiation and beginning development and International Court or Tribunal that, although modest in impact at first, provided an option to war, and in the words of Professor Low, would ?compel the nations, in a new way, to justify war to the public opinion of mankind? (638). The further interparliamentary and International Tribunal proceedings among nations lent itself to developing democracy and assembly within nations, and the idea of arbitration through matters of conscience slowly challenged the medieval concept of the Divine Right of Kings (Mahan, Captain A. T. The Peace Conference and the Moral Aspect of War. The North American Review 515 October 1899: 439-440. Cornell, Making of America. ). The idea of voluntary as opposed to obligatory participation in arbitration protected freedom and sovereignty, identifying the laws of conscience to sometimes supercede other forms of law.



Further, as related by Benjamin Trueblood, simply ?the fact that it met? was, in itself, a major accomplishment for the Conference. Although more utopian goals were dismissed, the groundwork for future international cooperation was laid, including the potential for reductions of armaments.



Conclusions and Estimates



For reasons aforementioned, the First International Peace Conference at The Hague was a profound achievement in international relations. While Africa and Central and South America were precluded from participation, the congregation of nations from Europe, North America, and Asia was still uniquely significant and diverse. The concept of an International Tribunal manifested and remains a vital international judicial body, and the concept of arbitration in times of conflict, beyond the bipartisan, ad-hoc formulations, improved the practice. It appears that the Conference created the setting for future conferences, such as the second Hague Conference of 1907, which dealt more specifically with laws of war, and perhaps inspired other international concepts, bodies, and accords devoted to the promotion of peace, openness, sovereignty, and self-determination among nations, including Woodrow Wilson?s Fourteen Points, the League of Nations, and finally, the United Nations and its Charter. Disarmament, investigation, and open arbitration continue to be championed on a global basis.



There were many objections to the formation of the Tribunal, due to concerns of national honor and sovereignty. And what if the Tribunal had not been created? Perhaps the concept of international arbitration would not be experienced today; instead, greater use of unilateral action and rudimentary, ad hoc bipartisan commissions would likely occur with more frequency. Without the creation of this mediating world body, the concept of multilateral settling of disputes would probably be distant. Further, the rights of smaller nations would perhaps not be as well recognized.



However, unfortunately, the Conference was followed by many years of war, including two world wars. In any event, subjects that arose in the Conference, namely expansive armament, self-determination and sovereignty of independent states, openness of negotiations, and neutral and property rights all played a part in the developing maelstrom. Ironically, Russia, which originally proposed the Conference in hopes of reaching agreements on disarmament, was ravaged economically by continued arms buildup after the Revolution, and suffered phenomenal casualties in consequent wars. Similarly, Germany, which has resisted arbitration, exhausted the blood of its people as well as its treasure in its imperialistic war pursuits. The United States, which resisted or abstained from the idea of arms reduction at The Hague, provided the Allies military and civilian supplies prior and during its involvement in the two World Wars; such economic and eventual military dominance made the United States the global superpower. Paradoxically, however, Americans were killed by German chemical weapons in World War I, a type of weapons the American delegation refrained from joining in prohibiting at The Hague. Further, the issue of weapons of mass destruction remains as vital today as it was at the time of the Conference.



The Conference opened the idea of readily available structures for nations to appeal to in times of international dispute, a potential stopgap to war. Bolder actions, such as more assertive work on disarmament, may have indeed prevented some of the conflicts to follow. But the door to the possibility of peace, or, rather, a choice of peace in complex international relations, was slowly opened at The Hague.
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Instuctions: Using the exact format as above, please analysis the above case study. Please use only the sources below, do not use other sources for this paper. It's very important that you use only the sources listed below.

INSTRUCTION NOTES

The Background context question refers to the international relations context prevailing at the time of the case events.

Question 1 (background context) requires mainly a descriptive narrative, yet one which includes elements of analysis and comparison, i. e., estimating causes and likelihood of developments. Questions 2 (Facts, actors, stakes), 3 (Decisions, interactions), and 4 (Outcomes), require generally descriptive narratives. I rely on four standards four evaluation and grading of output: format, informative, critical, and analytical. The central evaluative standard for questions 1 to 4 of this case ?other than format ? is informative: the strength, coherence, and reliability of the descriptive narrative.

Question 5 (Conclusions, estimates) places the evaluative center for grading purposes on critical and analytical standards: estimating the strength of the outcomes, for whom, for what kind of interests, in what general direction, whether it could have been different, intelligent identification of counterfactuals, i. e., if this other would have happened or being decided instead, etc. The ultimate controlling variable in the context of this question is the American national interest. Yet this variable is to be construed in an open and critical way, always assessing in a pluralistic perspective and understanding its various dimensions, according to the diversity of the configurations of the American fabric and its interactions with the world.

Regarding the format of the essay, use the same format as the above essay that you are discussing.

. Clear title concept of the essay.

. Including a working intro where the questions to address are restated, i. e: in this essay I am addressing the characteristics of the American crisis as both a crisis which probably put an end to the first British Empire system and a crisis which constituted the emergence of a new nation and potential empire, the American republic. First I present the international relations context of the crisis. Second, etc. Or in whatever other words and concepts you may see fit.

. Including a specification next of the different question concepts, by way of essay section.



QUESTIONS TO ADDRESS



Q1 Background context

Q2 Facts, actors, stakes

Q3 Decisions, interactions

Q4 Outcomes

Q5 Conclusions, estimates



Research Resource are the primary preparation resources for writing the case presentation essay. Case presentation essays should make specific references to these primary preparation resources. DO NOT use any resources other than those listed Below. DO NOT use any resources other than those listed Below. DO NOT use any resources other than those listed Below. DO NOT use any resources other than those listed Below. DO NOT use any resources other than those listed Below. DO NOT use any resources other than those listed Below. DO NOT use any resources other than those listed Below.

________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________







RESEARCH AND READING RESOURCES YOU MAY USE



. The Peace Conference: Its Possible Practical Results, 168 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW 511 (June 1899).- Cornell, Making of America

http://cdl.library.cornell.edu/cgi-bin/moa/moa-cgi?notisid=ABQ7578-0168-77



. International Peace Conference at The Hague, B. F. Trueblood, 20 THE NEW ENGLAND MAGAZINE 6 (Aug 1899).- Cornell, Making of America

http://cdl.library.cornell.edu/cgi-bin/moa/moa-cgi?notisid=AFJ3026-1020-82



. The International Conference of Peace, Seth Low, 169 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW 516 (Nov 1899).- Cornell, Making of America

http://cdl.library.cornell.edu/cgi-bin/moa/moa-cgi?notisid=ABQ7578-0169-53



. The Peace Conference and the Moral Aspect of War, Captain A. T. Mahan, 169 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW 515 (Oct 1899).- Cornell, Making of America

http://cdl.library.cornell.edu/cgi-bin/moa/moa-cgi?notisid=ABQ7578-0169-38



. Peace Conference at The Hague, 1899: Instructions to the Conference.- The

Avalon Project

http://www.yale.edu/lawweb/avalon/lawofwar/hague99/hag99-03.htm



. Peace Conference at The Hague, 1899: Report of Captain Mahan to the United States Commission to the International Conference at the Hague, on Disarmament, etc., with Reference to Navies.- The Avalon Project http://www.yale.edu/lawweb/avalon/lawofwar/hague99/hag99-06.htm



. The Laws of War.- the Avalon Project http://www.yale.edu/lawweb/avalon/lawofwar/lawwar.htm

QUESTIONS TO ADDRESS
>
> Q1 Background context
> Q2 Facts, actors, stakes
> Q3 Decisions, interactions
> Q4 Outcomes
> Q5 Conclusions, estimates
>
>Research Resource are the primary preparation resources for writing the case presentation essay. Case presentation essays should make specific references to these primary preparation resources. DO NOT use any resources other than those listed Below. DO NOT use any resources other than those listed Below. DO NOT use any resources other than those listed Below. DO NOT use any resources other than those listed Below. DO NOT use any resources other than those listed Below. DO NOT use any resources other than those listed Below. DO NOT use any resources other than those listed Below.
>
>
>
>
> RESEARCH AND READING RESOURCES
>
> The Peace Conference: Its Possible Practical Results, 168 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW 511 (June 1899).- Cornell, Making of America
> http://cdl.library.cornell.edu/cgi-bin/moa/moa-cgi?notisid=ABQ7578-0168-77
>
> International Peace Conference at The Hague, B. F. Trueblood, 20 THE NEW ENGLAND MAGAZINE 6 (Aug 1899).- Cornell, Making of America
> http://cdl.library.cornell.edu/cgi-bin/moa/moa-cgi?notisid=AFJ3026-1020-82
>
> The International Conference of Peace, Seth Low, 169 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW 516 (Nov 1899).- Cornell, Making of America
> http://cdl.library.cornell.edu/cgi-bin/moa/moa-cgi?notisid=ABQ7578-0169-53
>
> The Peace Conference and the Moral Aspect of War, Captain A. T. Mahan, 169 THE NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW 515 (Oct 1899).- Cornell, Making of America
> http://cdl.library.cornell.edu/cgi-bin/moa/moa-cgi?notisid=ABQ7578-0169-38
>
> . Peace Conference at The Hague, 1899: Instructions to the Conference.- The
> Avalon Project
> http://www.yale.edu/lawweb/avalon/lawofwar/hague99/hag99-03.htm
>
> Peace Conference at The Hague, 1899: Report of Captain Mahan to the United States Commission to the International Conference at the Hague, on Disarmament, etc., with Reference to Navies.- The Avalon Project http://www.yale.edu/lawweb/avalon/lawofwar/hague99/hag99-06.htm
>
> The Laws of War.- the Avalon Project http://www.yale.edu/lawweb/avalon/lawofwar/lawwar.htm
>
>
>INSTRUCTION NOTES
>
>The Background context question refers to the international relations context prevailing at the time of the case events.
>
>Question 1 (background context) requires mainly a descriptive narrative, yet one which includes elements of analysis and comparison, i. e., estimating causes and likelihood of developments. Questions 2 (Facts, actors, stakes), 3 (Decisions, interactions), and 4 (Outcomes), require generally descriptive narratives. I rely on four standards four evaluation and grading of output: format, informative, critical, and analytical. The central evaluative standard for questions 1 to 4 of this case -other than format - is informative: the strength, coherence, and reliability of the descriptive narrative.
>
>Question 5 (Conclusions, estimates) places the evaluative center for grading purposes on critical and analytical standards: estimating the strength of the outcomes, for whom, for what kind of interests, in what general direction, whether it could have been different, intelligent identification of counterfactuals, i. e., if this other would have happened or being decided instead, etc. The ultimate controlling variable in the context of this question is the American national interest. Yet this variable is to be construed in an open and critical way, always assessing in a pluralistic perspective and understanding its various dimensions, according to the diversity of the configurations of the American fabric and its interactions with the world.
>
>Regarding the format of the essay, as already stated in the previous cases, make sure to take into account the following:
>
> . Clear title concept of the essay.
> Including a working intro where the questions to address are restated, i. e: in this essay I am addressing the characteristics of the American crisis as both a crisis which probably put an end to the first British Empire system and a crisis which constituted the emergence of a new nation and potential empire, the American republic. First I present the international relations context of the crisis. Second, etc. Or in whatever other words and concepts you may see fit.
> Including a specification next of the different question concepts, by way of essay section.
>
>
>
>Please follow this Lay out: Case Discussion should look just like this when done.
>
>
>The First International Peace Conference
>
>Introduction
>
>From mid-spring to mid-summer, 1899, twenty-six nations performed a remarkable collective feat: they participated in The First International Peace Conference at The Hague. While many of the proposed issues central to the purpose of the conference were left unmitigated, such as disarmament, important conventions such as the concept of voluntary arbitration through a permanent tribunal were, at least in concept, adopted. In this essay I will examine the setting that preceded and hosted the Conference; discuss the events, the people, and motivations; relate the actions taken; and touch on the effects of the Conference. Finally, I will assess the consequences of this event; including the consideration of alternative actions and outcomes.
>
>Background Context
>
>In the 1890s, the explosion of expansion and imperialism, the rise of military technology and the precipitous increase of armaments, the vast increase of naval activity, overall greater frequency of international interaction, ever-increasing trade and economic development, and a growing interest in peace lay the path to the International Peace Conference. Russia, the Conference's originator, was alarmed at the burgeoning military of Germany, and the economic pressures of keeping up with armaments. Following the Venezuela border dispute with the United States and its observation of the Spanish-American-Cuban-Philippines war, Britain sought allies. America, fresh from the aforementioned war as well as within recent memory of its Civil War, and elevated to the great powers table, sought beneficial relations with Britain and other nations to protect trade and avoid war; American isolationism had been abandoned. Pacifism was popular; women as well as men led peace movements throughout the world to "rein in the 'champing steeds'" (Paterson, T., Clifford, J. and Hagan, K. American Foreign Relations, V. 1. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 2000, 239).
>
>The tone that eventually filled the end of the 19th Century had been articulated thirty years earlier, in the words of French journalist E. Laboulaye: "Steam and electricity have so mixed peoples up, so run together all civil and commercial interests, that men have clearly seen all the horror and folly of war, all the wisdom and beauty of peace" (Trueblood, B.F. International Peace Conference at the Hague. The New England Magazine 6 August 1899: 651. Cornell, Making of America. ). And as to the inevitable shrinking globe, Professor Edwin A. Grosvenor of Amherst College remarked in 1898, "Barriers of national seclusion are everywhere tumbling like the Great Wall of China. Every nation elbows other nations to-day" (Paterson, T., Clifford, J. and Hagan, K. American Foreign Relations, V. 1. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 2000, p. 228). Further, increasing democratic participation on national scales set the stage for an international assembly.
>
>Facts, Actors, and Stakes
>
>Through his Foreign Minister, Count Muravieff, Czar Nicholas of Russia disseminated an international Circular detailing his proposals for a peace conference, in December, 1898. The topics put forward in the Russian Letter included arms reduction; prohibition or restriction of new weapons, including those with chemical gases; prohibitions or reductions of submarines; neutrality protection of rescue missions of shipwrecked victims in battle; and the acceptance of voluntary arbitration to settle disputes, including ease in accessing arbitration, and conditions for application (Peace Conference at the Hague, 1899: Instructions to the Conference. The Avalon Project. ). The Conference invitation intrigued nations, in terms of both humanitarianism and national self-interest.
>
>Along with the Czar, "the oldest queen in the world and the youngest queen in the world," Queen Victoria of England and Queen Wilhelmina of the Netherlands, encouraged international peace work (Trueblood, 652-653). Queen Wilhelmina provided the beautiful and elegant House in the Woods at The Hague for the occasion, and she and her foreign minister, W. H. De Beaufort, provided several receptions and dinners to welcome delegations and ease cooperation among them. Another Dutch official, J.C.N. Van Eys, served as General Secretary of the Conference.
>
>Soft-spoken and personable Baron de Staal of Russia presided over the Conference. Heads of the international delegations included the well-regarded Sir Julian Pauncefote of Great Britain, Leon Bourgeois of France, who declined the premiership of his country in order to participate at the Conference, and Andrew White of the United States, widely recognized for his scholarship, critical ability, and honesty. Although representing Belgium, a smaller power, August Beernaert and his progressive ideas, as well as Senator Descamps and his model for an international tribunal, significantly influenced the Conference. Count Von Munster, who was cool to the proceedings but eventually participated, led the German delegation. Baron Hayashi of Japan sought a system of arbitration. Another member of the Russian commission, Professor de Martens, provided arbitration formats and suggestions to Conference President de Staal and specialized in international legal issues. Additional members of the American delegation included Captain A.T. Mahan, United States Navy, who pressed for maritime protection of private property during war, Mr. Holls, who helped design the arbitration model and had a amicable relationship with one German representative so as to encourage participation by that reluctant country, and Seth Low, President of Columbia University. Other participants included leading figures of the peace movement, including John de Bloch of the Netherlands, whose work, The Future War, had stimulated international attention, and the German Baroness von Suttner, author of the pacifist work Lay Down Your Arms, and the only woman who was present at the opening of the Conference, mingling openly with delegates. Others in the "peace societies" included Dr. Darby of England, who had written the book, International Tribunals, and American W.T. Stead, who had worked on the peace conference concept with Russian officials. With some peace advocates were petitions for peace, or memorials, including one with the signatures of 100,000 Belgians, as brought by Senator La Fontaine, another signed by 200,000 Dutch, brought by Madame Waszklewicz of the Dutch Peace Crusade, and yet another signed by millions of women from eighteen nations, brought by Madame Selenka of Munich, Germany (Trueblood, 667).
>
>Participating nations included the United States, Great Britain, Russia, Holland (The Netherlands), France, Ireland, Germany, Italy, Belgium, Spain, Austria-Hungary, Denmark, Sweden, Norway, Japan, Mexico, China, Switzerland, Siam, Turkey, Persia, Portugal, Luxemburg, Serbia, and Bulgaria (Trueblood, 655). Significantly, as noted later by American delegate Low, no nation from Africa, or from Central or South America, was included (Low, S. The International Conference of Peace. The North American Review 516, November 1899: 626. Cornell, Making of America ).
>
>Decisions and Interactions
>
>After initial attempts at secrecy in the talks were thwarted by the efforts of diligent journalists, and after advocacy for openness by Stead and others, the Conference provided a daily public briefing of its proceedings. The Dutch royal and diplomatic hosts provided a generous, warm atmosphere to encourage progress and to ease skepticism.
>
>Although one of the Conference's purposes was that of disarmament, the issue was tabled, to be replaced in prominence by the concept of arbitration. Nevertheless, the subject of arms reduction was referred for further deliberation of the nations, with a general consensus adopted: "The Conference believes that the limitation of the military charges which at present so oppress the world is greatly to be desired for the increase of the material and moral welfare of mankind" (Low, 631). The United States commission, which professed to an arsenal much smaller proportionally than those of Europe, however, abstained from the subject of military budgets and volumes, considering it a European issue. Further, the issue of the suppression of innovation in war technology was also set aside.
>
>Three Declarations were adopted, including the prohibition of "projectiles and explosives" launched by balloons, projectiles with "asphyxiating or deleterious gases," and bullets that "expand or flatten" (Low, 628). The United States and Britain agreed with the first and disagreed with the last two of these provisions. The two nations concurred that balloons were too unpredictable to be an airborne vehicle of war, incurring the risk of civilian and economic losses. The second, that of chemical gas-filled weapons, the American delegation argued, had not yet been adequately studied, and were not necessarily less humane than torpedoes. To the third Declaration, the American commission stated that smaller bullets that expand or flatten may not be crueler than larger bullets, but the delegation remained open to the concept of prohibiting "unnecessarily cruel" bullets (Ibid., 630).
>
>Additionally, the Conference developed and adopted three Conventions. A Convention concerning the Laws and Customs of War on Land, originally inspired by President Lincoln, according to Seth Low, restricted treatment of prisoners of war and the method of invasions. The second Convention adapted the provisions of the Geneva Convention of 1864 to protect hospital ships, although only if they flew neutral flags. The third, and most important Convention, was the Convention for the Peaceful Settlement of International Disputes. This last Convention's purpose was stated in its Title 1: "with the view of preventing, as often as possible, the resort to force between nations, the signatory Powers agree to employ all their efforts to assure the peaceful settlement of international differences" (Low, 634). Further, the Convention provided for friendly nations as mediators, permits inquiries to offer impartiality and challenges interpretations of "honor" and "essential interests" in the justification for military conflict, and provides arbitration on a voluntary, as opposed to compulsory, basis. The Conference created the concept of a Permanent Tribunal and arbitrators specifically dedicated to its operation, as opposed to ad hoc, often bilateral developments, for ease of arbitration.
>
>Outcomes
>
>Most significantly, the first International Peace Conference at the Hague provided the Convention for the Peaceful Settlement of International Disputes, initiation and beginning development and International Court or Tribunal that, although modest in impact at first, provided an option to war, and in the words of Professor Low, would "compel the nations, in a new way, to justify war to the public opinion of mankind" (638). The further interparliamentary and International Tribunal proceedings among nations lent itself to developing democracy and assembly within nations, and the idea of arbitration through matters of conscience slowly challenged the medieval concept of the Divine Right of Kings (Mahan, Captain A. T. The Peace Conference and the Moral Aspect of War. The North American Review 515 October 1899: 439-440. Cornell, Making of America. ). The idea of voluntary as opposed to obligatory participation in arbitration protected freedom and sovereignty, identifying the laws of conscience to sometimes supercede other forms of law.
>
>Further, as related by Benjamin Trueblood, simply "the fact that it met" was, in itself, a major accomplishment for the Conference. Although more utopian goals were dismissed, the groundwork for future international cooperation was laid, including the potential for reductions of armaments.
>
>Conclusions and Estimates
>
>For reasons aforementioned, the First International Peace Conference at The Hague was a profound achievement in international relations. While Africa and Central and South America were precluded from participation, the congregation of nations from Europe, North America, and Asia was still uniquely significant and diverse. The concept of an International Tribunal manifested and remains a vital international judicial body, and the concept of arbitration in times of conflict, beyond the bipartisan, ad-hoc formulations, improved the practice. It appears that the Conference created the setting for future conferences, such as the second Hague Conference of 1907, which dealt more specifically with laws of war, and perhaps inspired other international concepts, bodies, and accords devoted to the promotion of peace, openness, sovereignty, and self-determination among nations, including Woodrow Wilson's Fourteen Points, the League of Nations, and finally, the United Nations and its Charter. Disarmament, investigation, and open arbitration continue to be championed on a global basis.
>
>There were many objections to the formation of the Tribunal, due to concerns of national honor and sovereignty. And what if the Tribunal had not been created? Perhaps the concept of international arbitration would not be experienced today; instead, greater use of unilateral action and rudimentary, ad hoc bipartisan commissions would likely occur with more frequency. Without the creation of this mediating world body, the concept of multilateral settling of disputes would probably be distant. Further, the rights of smaller nations would perhaps not be as well recognized.
>
>However, unfortunately, the Conference was followed by many years of war, including two world wars. In any event, subjects that arose in the Conference, namely expansive armament, self-determination and sovereignty of independent states, openness of negotiations, and neutral and property rights all played a part in the developing maelstrom. Ironically, Russia, which originally proposed the Conference in hopes of reaching agreements on disarmament, was ravaged economically by continued arms buildup after the Revolution, and suffered phenomenal casualties in consequent wars. Similarly, Germany, which has resisted arbitration, exhausted the blood of its people as well as its treasure in its imperialistic war pursuits. The United States, which resisted or abstained from the idea of arms reduction at The Hague, provided the Allies military and civilian supplies prior and during its involvement in the two World Wars; such economic and eventual military dominance made the United States the global superpower. Paradoxically, however, Americans were killed by German chemical weapons in World War I, a type of weapons the American delegation refrained from joining in prohibiting at The Hague. Further, the issue of weapons of mass destruction remains as vital today as it was at the time of the Conference.
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>The Conference opened the idea of readily available structures for nations to appeal to in times of international dispute, a potential stopgap to war. Bolder actions, such as more assertive work on disarmament, may have indeed prevented some of the conflicts to follow. But the door to the possibility of peace, or, rather, a choice of peace in complex international relations, was slowly opened at The Hague.

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Title: 1 Do you believe that a nuclear WMD threat is real and possible within the next 10 years

Total Pages: 3 Words: 967 Bibliography: 3 Citation Style: MLA Document Type: Research Paper

Essay Instructions: While there has been progress in the area of nuclear disarmament involving the U.S. and Russia, thus potentially making the world safer, there is considerable concern about nuclear proliferation and a possible nuclear WMD threat. Several states have pledged not to pursue nuclear weapons technology and thus have abandoned their programs. These nations include South Africa, Brazil, and Libya. In terms of nuclear proliferation and its threat as a WMD, please analyze one of the following questions.

1) Do you believe that a nuclear WMD threat is real and possible within the next 10 years?
2) Discuss the value of non-proliferation treaties in today's environment.
3) Describe how you imagine a radiological attack might occur in a city and what methods could an intelligence analyst employ to detect the attack and help in the response.

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Title: Article Review on Homeland Security

Total Pages: 3 Words: 1009 Sources: 0 Citation Style: APA Document Type: Essay

Essay Instructions: STUDY MATERIALS
Textbook and Other Readings

Read pages 26?34 and 43-52 in Thinker's Guide to Analytic Thinking by Elder and Paul.
Read ?Another Intelligence Twist?, Washington Post Editorial, March 2, 2007.
Read Module 3 lecture notes.

Some Internet Sources on the Elements of Thought
www.criticalthinking.org

Written Assignment 3
Read the assigned article (Another Intelligence Twist) and answer the eight questions of Universal Structures of Thought by Elder and Paul regarding the article. Your paper should be a minimum of 3 pages and should be written with good grammar and APA style citations and references. Use double-spacing and 12-point Times New Roman font.

Another Intelligence Twist
The CIA may have overstated North Korea's uranium program. But Pyongyang still must answer for it.
Friday, March 2, 2007

ONCE AGAIN the Bush administration is being accused of exaggerating intelligence to justify an aggressive policy toward a rogue regime, with disastrous results. In October 2002 the State Department announced that North Korea had acknowledged secretly developing a uranium enrichment program. The next month the CIA reported to Congress that it had "recently learned that the North is constructing a plant that could produce enough weapons-grade uranium for two or more nuclear weapons per year when fully operational -- which could be as soon as mid-decade." On this basis the administration suspended a deal under which North Korea received fuel oil in exchange for freezing a separate program to produce plutonium. Pyongyang responded by restarting that program and producing enough plutonium for a number of nuclear weapons, one of which it tested last October.

Now administration officials are conceding that outside experts may be right when they say that the North probably never constructed a large uranium-enrichment plant. According to the New York Times, a new intelligence update concludes "with moderate confidence" that the uranium program continues, but it says it's not known how much progress has been made. Christopher R. Hill, the principal U.S. negotiator with North Korea, told Congress on Wednesday that it's debatable "whether they've actually been able to produce highly enriched uranium."

Clearly there's a basis for investigation about whether the 2002 CIA estimate was justified. But it's also worth underlining that the issue here is not whether North Korea sought a uranium enrichment capacity. The uncertainty is about how far the program advanced. That distinction makes a difference both in reconsidering the Bush administration's actions in 2002 and judging how the problem should be managed in the new disarmament negotiations with the North beginning next week.

What the administration knew in 2002 -- and what remains uncontested now -- is that North Korea secretly obtained 20 centrifuges for uranium enrichment from Pakistan and purchased other equipment needed to construct a large-scale enrichment facility. When U.S. officials confronted the North Koreans at a bilateral negotiation session, members of a U.S. diplomatic team received what they believed was a defiant confirmation. That tipped an internal administration debate toward hard-liners who all along had wanted to renounce the Clinton administration's "agreed framework" with Pyongyang.

No doubt those hard-liners made use of the CIA's conclusions about a factory under construction. Yet even without that intelligence some action would have been warranted. The United States and its allies were supplying Pyongyang with food and energy on the assumption that its nuclear program was frozen, only to discover that it had covertly begun work in another area. It would have been foolish to ignore such activity by a criminal regime.

Similarly, the weakening of the intelligence about an ongoing uranium program does not mean that the United States can drop the issue in the next phase of negotiations. On the contrary, a crucial test of the diplomatic process will be whether the North will reveal what it did with the centrifuges and other materials it is known to have acquired. Pyongyang's response will show whether it, like the Bush administration, is more inclined to conduct serious negotiations than it was four years ago.

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Essay Instructions: Term paper,
Complete a paper on a subject relating to negotiation.
The paper must be at least 10
typewritten pages, double spaced, exclusive of citations and
authority. Pick the topic of their choice but you will be penalized if it is not
sufficiently related to the subject of this course. If you are unsure, clear the topic with me
before you start work. Here are some general areas to consider:
? Researching and analyzing an actual negotiation. For instance, a labor
management dispute, a hostage negotiation, a disarmament treaty, or trade
agreements such as NAFTA. The example may be contemporary or historical.
? Researching and analyzing a negotiator. This could be a famous
person such as a
union leader, diplomat, or politician. Someone?maybe not so famous?who
negotiates regularly such as a car sales person, a lawyer, a mediator,
or a buyer for
a business would also be acceptable.
? Summarizing the existing research in an area of negotiation such as
threats and
bluffing, integrative bargaining, the role of emotion in negotiation, etc.

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