Imperialism is destructive to all but a select few persons in positions of financial and political power. Also, because female migration is often not coerced but undertaken by some degree of choice, the type of imperialism arising from the female labor force is subtle and generally overlooked by sociologists, economists, and policy makers. As a result, humanitarian issues can easily fall by the wayside. For example, the women who leave their countries of origin sometimes leave behind family members and in some cases, husbands and children. The flow of labor from developing to developed nations depletes the sending nations' labor force and further impoverishes them, increasing their dependency on economic powerhouses like the United States. As economies in the third world collapse, workers, farmers, and families suffer from a lack of affordable health care, education and other social services. A potential side-effect in sending countries may be higher rates of organized and unorganized crime as means to supplement meager incomes. Other side effects include the loss of age-old cultural traditions that were maintained by women. Indigenous cultures in which females passed on wisdom, folklore, and knowledge to their offspring suffer when females leave to take care of the families of wealthier strangers in far-off nations. Fewer women in the population may cause the disintegration of cultural and familial ties.

Part Three

Ehrenreich and Hochschild present their material in a well-organized manner and stick close to the three specific areas of women's work outlined in the subtitle of the book: nannies, maids, and sex workers. Furthermore, the authors offer a wide range of perspectives because of their differing areas of specialization. Some focus on Asia, others on Central and South America. Issues related to sexuality and gender politics as well as to general economic...

For example, Zarembka's "America's Dirty Work: Migrant Maids and Modern-Day Slavery" illustrates the high instance of abuse among migrant female workers. In "Because She Looks Like a Child," Bales also uses the harsh terminology of slavery to underscore the extent of the problem.
Without books and articles like these, sociologists and policy makers might not fully acknowledge the scope of women's migration, the extent to which it occurs, its contribution to local and international economic networks, and the effects of female migratory work on changing social and cultural patterns. Because so much of female migratory work is undocumented and off the books, global women are difficult to research.

Finally, the information contained in Global Women is not simply shrill feminist rhetoric. The claims and observations made in the essays throughout the book reflect the facts and numbers. For example, Daorueng and Yamin report on the widespread consequences of the Asian economic crisis in prompting women to enter the sex trade. Thus, Ehrenreich and Hochschild's work also demonstrates the inextricable ties between the multiple manifestations of globalization and the lives of women throughout the world. Although I have little personal experience with the issues that the editors discuss in their book, I have witnessed through my travels the effects of women's migration on third world countries as well as in the developed world.